Women, power and the public sphere
What does it mean to have power as a woman? Jessica Harriden, a modern historian, struggles with this question in “The authority of influence: women and power in Burmese history” by analyzing (dis-)continuities of the ways in which women have exercised power in Myanmar over the last 1000 years. She argues that at the beginning of the Konbaung era (mid-eighteenth century) a societies’ normative ideal of women as mothers and wives had been established that made it difficult for any woman to claim roles that provided access to power outside the domestic sphere. The beginning of this period marked the end to a time where the obstacles for females to claim public roles of authority became more rigid and challenging to negotiate. The consequences of this shift are still felt today.
The author’s passion for female empowerment, and wanting to see women in roles of public authority, is manifest throughout the book. Harriden wants to introduce a “gendered perspective to Burmese history” (5) and although not explicitly stated it feels as if Harriden wants to encourage women to act as equals to men in the public sphere and to seek positions of authority beyond the domestic sphere. By discussing case studies of women who have played a role in shaping the face of public female power in Myanmar the book can be read as source of inspiration for future generations of women to follow in the footsteps of these accomplished women. Despite the central role of these successful case studies, the book overall highlights the limitations of public female power in Myanmar and the author isn’t shy in pointing out that it is a story of yet-to-come instead of a history of empowerment implemented.
Domesticity prevails
In writing a history of more than 1000 years of female public power Harriden has chosen to address the breadth rather than the depth of the issue. The first chapter provides a thoughtful discussion of the complexities of domestic and public forms of female power. Harriden credits the leverage women have in the domestic sphere as something that allows them to influence their families and the public at large. Although emphasizing the importance of this dynamic, Harriden focuses more on identifying factors that inhabit the transition from domestic forms of power to more public embodiments. She is careful not to single out any one reason that has prevented this transition, but throughout the book discusses the interplay of various factors. She identifies the often repeated trope of the historically high status of women in Myanmar (due to a high degree of economic independence) as a rhetorical tool that is employed in defense of the status quo (read: the existing power imbalance) and for silencing critical inquiries into its causes. Religion, more specifically the past and present interpretations of Buddhism in Myanmar, is introduced as having helped shape the idealized image of women as wives and mothers in historical and contemporary Myanmar. As already mentioned Harriden acknowledges the power of women to shape the upbringing of their (male) children; thereby influencing political affairs and public opinions. In the remainder of the book, however, Harriden leaves the domestic sphere behind and focuses on public forms of power, privileging the lives of women from largely elite families.
The narratives of these influential women are presented in chronological order centered on important political events. The case studies provide insights into the ways that monarchism, colonialism, nationalism, and militarism have shaped the opportunities for women to act in positions of power in the public sphere. In nine chapters, the reader learns about women such as Queen Me Nu, wife, confidant and advisor of King Bagyidaw or Daw Mya Sein, elected member of the legislative assembly in 1936. The last four chapters focus on post-1962 Myanmar; the lives of Aung San Suu Kyi and other contemporary activists are investigated from the perspective of female empowerment. Harriden introduces exiled women’s empowerment movements to the discussion and recognizes their contribution to raising awareness about inequality, (domestic) violence, discrimination and other issues impeding progress of women in Myanmar. She immediately counters what might be perceived as careful optimism by pointing to an often ignored disjuncture: the disconnect between lives and policy-makers in Myanmar and politically active groups in exile.
Harriden bases theses narratives on mostly secondary sources (and some interviews) in the English language. Most of the information provided and analyzed in the book can be accessed elsewhere; the author perceives her contribution in having explicated issues of female power that often have been ignored in earlier interpretations of the materials. The book is written in an accessible way and it can appeal to a broad audience: academics with an interest in Myanmar, power relations, gender issues or members of the general public who seek to learn more about any of these issues.
Which way forward?
As common in history (and anthropology, my own discipline) the book focuses on analyzing a problem rather than presenting a solution to the complexities under investigation. I don’t fault Harriden for not providing a solution to a situation that she has presented as highly complex and interrelated with a range of other issues. However, her clear discontent with the historical and contemporary narratives she constructs begged the question: how can change be evoked and moreover what kind of change would be desirable for women in Myanmar? At a time where Myanmar is in the international limelight and where governments, multi-nationals, and developmental agencies from all over the world are ready to prescribe their solutions to many decades of protracted economic, political and social mismanagement, critical reflection on postulated universal truths and solutions are urgently needed. Any change envisioned for women in Myanmar in the end will need to be negotiated, implemented and lived by women in Myanmar who largely have been left out of the discussion so far, as Harriden so powerfully demonstrates in her book.
Inga Gruß is a PhD candidate in the Department of Anthropology at Cornell University (ig78@cornell.edu)