Village of Painters. Narrative Scrolls from West Bengal

The volume was formerly conceived as a catalogue, in companion to the International Museum of Folk Art (Santa Fe, US) 2006-2007's exhibition of Patua paintings from West Bengal. Nevertheless, the publication is much more than a simple arts' catalogue. It presents a caste from West Bengal - the Patuas, also known as Chitrakars or the picture makers in Bengali - and their art - the Pata or Patua paintings and performances. The book, richly illustrated with samples of the paintings and Paul J. Smutko's photographs, is written on an essayistic style accessible to any secular reader and divided into four. The first three sections present: a brief ethnography of Frank's arrival at Naya village; the background and stylist differences of this artistic genre; its repertoire and painting techniques; the historical and mythological origins of the caste; the region's environment; and the accommodation between transformations and adjustments of this group and their art to Modernity. The last part, "Sacred selections and profane portraits", is a selection of some colorful plates' excerpts. Frank mingles this panoramic presentation with a detailed inventory of the literature on the topic, interesting insights and analyses of the Patuas and their art.

Patuas' art consists in drawing colorful scrolls (that can vary on format, style and theme) and singing poems that accompany the paintings in performing the stories. Stories are normally originated from epic narratives, spiritual quests or secular themes and the repertoire can range from excerpts of the Mahabharata or Ramayana to contemporary events like the 9/11 attacks or the 2004 Southeast Asia Tsunami, from passages of the life of Krishna to those of Ben Laden, from the lives of Muslim Saints to metaphoric narratives where they themselves appear as protagonists. There are no rigid boundaries between the themes and even the most sacred stories serve for entertainment functions: "The songs deals with sacred and secular issues within the same frame of reference by utilizing comical elements aimed at entertaining the audience while at the same time providing listeners with religious instruction" (Korom, 2006: 70). Contemporary or ancient repertoires and narrative styles are combined by the artists on their way to entertain the audiences. Nevertheless this immense creativity and capacity to absorb new issues is somehow limited by patronage, since the artist must compose with the patron in mind. Although bonded by patronage, the verses were constantly used to alleviate social and religious tensions through comical and innovative performances.

Although Chitrakars origin is difficult to be precisely determined, historical and mythological memories coincide that their existence is traceable, at least, to 13th century. Different mythological accounts try to explain their genesis and positioning within the Indian caste system and religious division. They are mentioned both in Hindu (Puranas), Buddhist or Islamic classic or historical literature, as they "oscillated back and forth from Hinduism and Buddhism to Islam in their perpetual quest for equity and patronage" (Korom, 2006: 40). Actually, there is a frequent accusation that Patuas paid little attention to faith, looking for patronage, on their way to save their skin. However, collective caste (tactical) conversion is not new nor uncommon in eastern India, as was the case of the southern Tamil Nadu Paravas during 16th century (Kaufmann, 1981), or that of the Baul singers who has been moving between faiths. Chitrakars themselves might had converted to Islam as a pragmatic strategy to avoid the oppression by a rigid ranked hierarchy of subcastes, established by the Kulin system, created during Sen Dynasty (ca. 1160-78). Some scholars argue that the Patuas, originally Hindus, were cast out of the Hindu society for not following canonical proceedings in pursuing their trade; particularly for not conforming to standards regarding the repertoires of the paintings, put forth in Shilpashastra Codes of Art.

Indeed there has always been a tension between orthodoxy and change within Patuas' art and life, and "Modernity" (and its sores) has always been a drive on stressing this tension. The introduction of colored and affordable lithographs and oleograph prints, cinema talkies and later on the TV (not to talk of the latest spread of DVD players, cable TV and internet) really represented threats to the Patuas, by accelerating the erosion of their patronage base (Pinney, 2004) that has always been the economic backbone and justification for this genre. Consequently, some Bengali intellectuals have pointed the Patuas as a dying tradition (see McCutchion, 1989)[1]. One of the most interesting issues raised by Korom is precisely related to this tension and movement of the Chitrakars between conversion and reconversion, orthodoxy and change. If their lower caste status justified this oscillation and eternal quest for patronage and protection, it also helped their mobility within this rigid hierarchical structure.

Although Patua painting is largely diffused all over South Asia, Naya village artists developed their own idiosyncratic explanations about their origins and have been clever on finding new directions for their art, perhaps the most remarkable effect of their widespread artistic success. They struggle to incorporate this menacing "modernity", into their lives and art reinforced the only permanent characteristic they have: changing. The possibility of absorbing distinct issues into their art also enlarged enormously their patronage base, from the local audiences into global ones. Their paintings can be found in several museums across Europe and US, documentaries were shoot at their village, some of the artists travel abroad very frequently to attend festivals and exhibitions and they have been called by governmental agencies or NGOs to work on campaigns for HIV-AIDS prevention, dowry deaths, the importance of literacy and education, rural hygiene, tsunami relief and a variety of other pressing social issues. It did not come without significant changes in their art. Once the paintings are sold abroad the poetry and songs performance has been loosing its importance, "and some painters do not bother composing new songs, just new scrolls" (Korom, 2006: 80). Naya Patuas have been successful on distinguishing their art as on globalizing their caste.

The attentive reader can perceive Korom's durable (2001-5) fieldwork research and deeply committed investments on the Naya Patuas. So that to those who have particular interest on West Bengal or on folk art in India, would like to ask Frank for a monographic volume on the subject.

References

Kaufmann, s. b.. 1981. A Christian Caste in Hindu Society: Religious Leadership and Social Conflict among the Paravas of Southern Tamilnadu. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2 (1981), pp. 203-234.

Korom, F.. 2006. Village of Painters. Narrative Scrolls from West Bengal. Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press.

McCutchion, David. 1989. "Recent developments in Patua style and presentation." In: Alliance Française (ed). Patua Art: Development of the scroll paintings of Bengal commemorating the bicentenary of the French revolution. Calcutta: Alliance Française of Calcutta and Crafts Council of West Bengal, pp. 16-22.

Piney, Christopher. 2004. Photos of the Gods: the printed image and political struggle in India. London: Reaktion.

[1] Actually a recurrent argument among some anthropologists dealing with folk art, like those that consider the Portuguese "fado" songs or "samba" as dying popular traditions, see the work of Joaquim Pais de Brito on that matter.