The Tibetan government-in-exile: politics at large

Empirically testing Yossi Shain's theory of exile organizations while complementing it with James Wilson's work on formal organization with voluntary membership, the book analyzes the Tibetan government-in-exile from a political science point of view, a much welcomed fresh look on things Tibetan. The author is attentive to the dynamics of local, national and international politics and the intersections between the political, religious and cultural realms which by their refined blend determine the success of the Tibetan exiled government. Shain's theory helps the author to clarify the relationship between the CTA and international actors, while Wilson's attention towards voluntary participation allows her a sharp focus on mechanisms of loyalty and (religion strengthened) faith which inspire the different communities in exile to identify with the CTA.

The overview on the change of Tibetan policies regarding returning to the homeland is one of the strong sides of this book. The author explores how the goal of returning to homeland is reflected in CTA's discourse, institutional and semi-institutional structure and in its local, national and transnational networks. Roemer points out how CTA's strategies oscillate between UN and international NGO's as main partners, which lead to the splitting up of the "Tibetan cause" into small segments to be managed by several parties, independent from each other. In the beginning of the 80's, the change of partners also meant a blurring of strategy, where the goal of homeland return conflicted with the need for the mobilization of international support. The "Five point peace plan", presented at Strasbourg in 1988, changed the Tibetan fight for independence into one for autonomy, in the name of all Tibetans. Argued with the need for world peace and non-violent struggle, this change in strategy was to win the Dalai Lama the Nobel price. It is important to recall that at that moment the Tibetan cause has already had a long presence on the international scene, presence to which, this event could positively contribute by once more attractive international attention towards Tibet. However, for many of Tibetans and their supporters this change was seen as the sacrifice of the Tibetan cause for the sake of giving the world an example of good Buddhist practice. Besides the charisma of the Dalai Lama, CTA's promotion of universal rights and "the ‘export' of Tibetan Buddhism" (p.175) motivate western grassroots and transnational organizations, governments and individuals to support the Tibetan cause.

The striving for national loyalty and international support as Roemer points out are interdependent, and they lead to policies whose effects reinforce each other, but at times also diverge. Such is the attempt to introduce democratic reforms in exile, changes which were considered as desirable as to gain the support of international actors, while promoting Buddhist Nationalism towards the national population, and thus maintaining to a certain extent non-democratic forms of political activity. In the same time, the CTA's image of a non-violent, religious and friendly Tibetan culture appeals both to the international scene as to the population in exile which is in need to reconstruct its (shared) identity.

Political strategies are often having economic motives. As Roemer points out, most of the budget of the CTA has shifted from coming from the Indian government to larger amount of funds received as international aid, which is accounted for in the form of project funds. Also interesting is the allocation of funds within the government, where against emphasis put on the conservation of Tibetan culture and Tibetan Buddhism, most of the funds go towards political and administrative activities, while health and religious affairs score relatively low. Concerns might be raised by the fact that constructing the category of Tibetan nationalism while superimposing it on Tibetan Buddhism might neglect diversity in ethnic, religious and social groups.

The most interesting argument of the book revolves around the position of the 14th Dalai Lama within the government in exile, and the continuation of a tradition that the author calls "the lama state, the union of politics and religion" (p.19). Roemer describes the contradictions faced by the CTA in trying to reconcile political tradition with what is considered as politically modern from a western point of view, and strategies for assuring international support with those directed towards the Chinese government in Beijing. Her argument is that the authority of the institution of the dalai lamas has the authority it has now as it is part of tradition. The conflict is fueled by the need of recognition of different communities of Tibetan people, living either in exile communities or under Chinese occupation, and the need of support from the international community. Here, besides the norms of democracy, human rights, women rights and secularism which are expected from a "modern" state, the author the authority of the institution and of the person that the Dalai Lama is. The fact the 14th Dalai Lama, especially after him receiving the Nobel price in 1989, is a personality recognized and respected in Tibetan as well as in international circles, makes his person capable of bridging between seemingly opposed political traditions, whose main point of divergence is the delimitation of the domain of the sacred. Roemer invokes the tulku concept of reincarnation in order to explain religious authority, while the relationship of patron- priest is seen as one of the possible relations which link the religious with the political, on the national as well as international level. While I agree with the exceptionality of the dalai lama's position within the present political construction, with the duality of his authority, first as the incarnation of Chenrezig, the Buddha of compassion, and as the follower of the ancient Tibetan kings, I believe that the intricate power relations between different religious authorities and the way religious authority is gained only through empowerments within the religious networks between the four schools of Tibetan Buddhism is not to be neglected. Within the religious realm, the Dalai Lamas's authority depends on his relationship within the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism as well as the other three schools, the Nyingma, Kagyu and Sakya, each with their own representatives of religious knowledge and power.

"The Tibetan government-in-exile. Politics at large" is a book which might be of interest to scholars of political science, contributing as much theoretically as empirically to the already existing literature on governments in exile, while for scholars of cultural or Tibetan studies it provides a fresh look into the interconnectedness of politics, religion and social life.

Carolina Ivanescu
ivanescu@fsw.eur.nl