Labor Migration, the Latest Revolution from the Philippines

Cherry Amor Dugtong-Yap

The vast numbers of Filipinos abroad[1] deserve more critical and scholarly work befitting their size, scope and influence to contemporary Philippines. The pervasiveness of which has affected the country’s history, politics, society, culture, and not the least, its economy. For those who are interested in the crowded yet developing subject of global labor migration, this work on overseas Filipinos enlightens toward a group not usually considered as interesting examples of this global phenomena.

“Overseas migration has revolutionized the Philippines” (1).  This was the opening statement of Aguilar’s latest book on migration. These are big words considering that previous revolutions in the country took place to end colonialism and a protracted dictatorship. Aguilar, assiduous scholar that he is proceeded to systematically and methodically laid out proofs to his audacious words.

 

Aguilar’s name is known among migration scholars for his provocative essay on class differences experienced beyond geographic boundaries through transnational shame exhibited by labor migrants’ co-nationals in their presence as the ‘working class’ on foreign lands. Another of his early work attributed finding and working abroad as a ritual-like process that follows the trajectory of a migrant life. Other work includes editing one of the earlier compilations of essays on migrant Filipinos (Aguilar, 2002).[2] As stated in his introduction, the book contains an expansion and updating of these essays collected throughout his decades long research and work on the field of migration. Each of these essays is already groundbreaking on its own, presenting critical yet real perspectives on the dynamic and myriad aspects of a migrants’ life. The Filipino migrant workers in particular provides for rich trove of analysis that transcends conventional notions of the diaspora and the diasporic life.

 

Seafarers from Manila during Spanish colonial times

The first chapter takes an expanded look on the history of seafaring in the Philippines. Numbering well “over 340,000 the Philippines constitute one of the largest national groups in global merchant seafaring today” (24). Elaborating on this figure, this chapter traced the origins of one of the oldest form of employment by Filipinos, not surprisingly as it is, the country being an archipelago. Yet Aguilar argues that such knowledge disappeared from general consciousness and only appeared in the early twentieth century. Utilizing both primary and secondary sources, Aguilar reinforced evidences of Filipino involvement in seafaring as early as the galleon age but more interestingly in sustained engagements beyond Spanish trade routes and expeditions of wider horizons such as activities in the American whaling industry. More importantly however, Aguilar illustrated how as a Manilaman, to whom these early seafarers were called, undertook to contribute in the founding of a Filipino nation, as a long-distance nationalist.

 

New transnational class relations and national identity

Chapters two and three share its roots on the issue of evolving class structures and identity brought by the increasing transnational nature of labor migrants from the Philippines.  Class structures are traditionally assumed to exist within geographical boundaries, located within the confines of a nation-state. Yet Aguilar theorizes “the narratives and practices of contemporary globalization call attention to the structuring of class relations across state boundaries” (54). This is vividly exposed by the economic ascendancy achieved by Filipino domestic workers in their home communities at the same time exist as their own social opposite across the globe employed as servants and cleaners of not always the rich, but increasingly middle class employer. Indeed, this social ladder in the form of remittances provides the labor migrant malleable subjectivities as they navigate their role of a proletariat and petty bourgeoisie.

 

The succeeding chapter takes on the idea of burgeoning differences in social statuses, economic potentials and even political clout brought by the emergence of a sizeable number of labor migrants in the Philippines to a much more nuanced yet disturbing realm of analysis. For many Filipinos in the past few decades, to claim that a family member is working or increasingly, has settled abroad is always thought of as a source of pride and accomplishment. This image of the Filipino as an overseas contract or temporary worker is a largely accepted and wholly ingrained reality, what migration expert, Maruja Asis calls a “culture of migration” (Asis, 2006).[3]  Thus Aguilar’s take on transnational shame and national identity evokes of the classic juxtaposition in the Tagalog language of “maykaya (rich) at (and) mahirap (poor)”.  When read or spoken together these two words connote disparities on so many levels – economic wealth, educational opportunities, political access and so on. Yet the rise of labor migrants in Philippine actualities brought a tipping of the scale. Given that the poorest of the poor are not the ones who migrate, the middle classes, which previously comprises a small and reticent collective are now the ones who compete with the rich for places in quality and expensive schools, latest consumer goods, among many. Still, in encounters outside of the country, the elite will pretend not to know the “kababayan (countrymen)” who works as a contract worker in that popular tourist destination.

 

Ritual passages and the labor migrant

Chapter four takes on an almost ethereal tone as Aguilar equated the life of an overseas worker to that of a journey of not unlike a religious passage. “Morphologically and structurally, global labor migration is an analogue of the ancient religious journey – a modern, secularized variant of the ritual pilgrimage” (133). The subjectivities underwent by a migrant is strongly exemplified by Aguilar’s discussion of gambles that each take once they embark on life outside the familiar. As they gather their winnings achieved through both luck and sheer strength of will, these migrants go home revitalized and in most cases, completely transformed.

 

To where and who art thou migrant?

In the fifth chapter Aguilar highlights the multiplicity of meanings bound with the idea of transnation, transnationalism and transnational communities. Indeed even transnational migrants with origins from similar nations living in proximate communities abroad can be so dissimilar that to tie them all to a singular nation may prove to be a disservice to both the group and the concept.  As he pointed out “the affective accouterments of the transnation are exceedingly fluid, evanescent, and unstable” (198) yet he also concedes that “transnational activities are being vibrantly pursued, and transnational networks do exist in a manner never seen before” (199). 

 

If being a transnational proves to be overly dramatic and complicated, to where then do a migrant relate and identify oneself, and therefore extend some form of allegiance, to its home or adopted state? This brings to mind Aguilar’s exposition on the definition and use of citizenship in chapter six. With Southeast Asia as his milieu of analysis, Aguilar concluded “in pursuit of strategic interests, citizenship is being treated increasingly in instrumentalist fashion even as national belonging is constantly being redefined in essentialist terms” (229).

 

Overseas Filipinos, Philippines’ emerging narrative

“The Philippines state has performed the remarkable dance of fostering and brokering emigration on the one hand, while on the other hand, enticing the physical return of migrants – or at least the return of their earnings” (231). This statement sums up Aguilar’s sentiment regarding the Philippines state affectation towards its own overseas citizens. This absence, their liminal existence is what makes them vulnerable to interpretations by government officials. As the number of labor migrants from the country continually rise so is their presence and influence towards public policy. The acceptance of dual citizenship and absentee voting were anathema to the discourse of Philippine nationalism at the latter part of the 20th century. And yet both laws have been passed and implemented for and because of overseas Filipinos. They are the Philippines’ emerging narrative.

 

With its well-researched narratives and highly nuanced perspectives, Migration Revolution, is an outstanding collection of essays that reiterate important and relevant observations regarding Filipinos abroad. Such realities are more often glossed over in favor of statistical reports and economic analysis of remittances. Aguilar’s latest book is an invaluable contribution to the study of labor migration from the Philippines and migration in general.

 

 

Cherry Amor Dugtong-Yap is an independent researcher based in Japan. (cherryamoryap@gmail.com)

 


 

References

[1]Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO). 2012. Stock Estimates of Overseas Filipinos.  http://www.cfo.gov.ph/images/stories/pdf/StockEstimate2012.pdf

[2] Aguilar, Filomeno V. 2002. Filipinos in Global Migration: At Home in the World? Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Science Council.

[3] Asis, Maruja. 2006. How International Migration can Support Development: A Challenge for the Philippines. Migracion Y Desarrollo. Segundo Semestre: 96-122.