Evangelizing post-Doi Moi Vietnam. The rise of Protestantism and the state's response
<p>Protestantism is one of the fastest growing and dynamic faiths in Vietnam. The Protestant community in Vietnam, present since 1911, has been a small one until the last decade of the 20th century. For a long while, Protestant churches, missionaries, pastors and followers in northern, central and southern Vietnam experienced difficulties in conducting missions and dealing with different political regimes. Until 1975, the total number of Protestants was around 200,000 and this number did not vary much over the next decade. However, since <em>Doi Moi</em> reforms in 1986, Protestantism’s growth has been phenomenal. In 2013, the religion was found to be present in 62 out of 64 provinces and in 2015 the total number of followers was roughly 1.5 million, a seven-fold increase from 1975. Despite its rate of growth, Protestantism faces many difficulties in terms of theology, religious competition, cultural conflict and response from the political regime.</p>
One of the foremost tasks of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) is to maintain national solidarity and ethnic unity. This has been challenging because of the desire of some ethnic minority groups for autonomy, as well as the distrust between ethnic minorities and majority. Of the total 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam, 53 are minority groups which account for only 14 per cent of the total population of 92 million. Most of these groups are scattered in remote and mountainous areas (except the Khmer and Cham). The inhabitants in these areas are saddled with an underdeveloped infrastructure, high poverty rate, low-quality education and an inadequate healthcare system.
A key source of distrust between the state and Protestant ethnic minorities stems from issues of Hmong identity and autonomy. For example, two thousand-strong protests erupted in the Central Highlands in 2001 and 2004. These were reportedly provoked and financially aided by the Montagnard Dega Association with assistance from members of the United Front for the Liberation of Oppressed Races (FULRO). The protestors wanted state authorities to return their ancestral land that was taken away by the Kinh (the majority ethnic group) and to expel the latter from the Central Highlands. They also demanded religious freedom and autonomy for all ethnic minorities in the region. Another protest took place in 2011 in the mountainous province of Dien Bien in the North with hundreds of Hmong participants demanding land allocation to welcome their returning king. The majority of protestors in 2001, 2004 and 2011 were new evangelical Protestant ethnic minorities.
Another challenge is the internal conflict between ethnic minorities who are Protestants and those who are not. Conflict and separation between the evangelical and non-evangelical Hmong, for example, are not unusual, often resulting in discord within families, bloodlines and between communities. The most contentious issue was the refusal of Protestants to continue the tradition of ancestor worship. The converts view Protestantism as the only way to alter the ethnic group’s marginal status in Vietnam while the unconverted Hmong see conversion as a betrayal of Hmong ethnicity. Another layer of complication has resulted from local authorities’ active intervention to persuade Protestant Hmong to return to their folk traditions. In response, a large number of evangelized Hmong have migrated, partly to escape such interventions, and partly in the hope of escaping poverty and conflict.
In the urban areas, Protestantism is also growing among the middle-class Kinh. Churches in Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi are busy during the weekdays and always full during Sunday services. To cater to the growing numbers, different divisions are set up for different ages from teenagers to older people, to facilitate Bible studies or to encourage members to provide social services. One million copies of the Bible were printed and distributed in Vietnam by the Religion Publishing House in 2014 alone. Notably, an increasingly number of Protestant church leaders and members have joined political organizations such as the People’s Committee and the Vietnamese Fatherland Front. These activities signal the state and the public’s open recognition of the Protestants’ contribution and initial steps taken by Protestants to engage in politics.
Protestant communities in urban areas are also known for helping marginalized and vulnerable urban residents afflicted by social dislocation, family break-ups, illness and deprivation. Some Protestant services have successfully rehabilitated thousands of criminals, drug addicts, prostitutes and HIV patients, with many of them becoming converts in the process. While recognizing that Protestant welfare services have a role to play, there is concern among local authorities that more Vietnamese will convert to Protestantism after receiving such welfare services.
There remains a stigma attached to Protestantism. While the actual number of Protestants only accounts for over 1 per cent of the population, many ordinary people still keep a distance from them because they believe that the government continues to keep a watchful eye over the Protestant community. The Protestant faith stands out due to the more visible ways it carries out its mission, its close association with Western values and its active participation in social issues. The state is also wary of Protestants because of their strong foreign connections. Furthermore, two-thirds of the 700 or so international NGOs presently active in Vietnam are faith-based organizations. Moreover, some of these Protestant-based NGOs explicitly promote religious freedom, which opens the door to more intense evangelization, further heightening the concerns of the state. As such, the state is expected to maintain a watchful eye over Protestant activities.
Chung Van Hoang, Visiting Fellow at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute
This is an extract from Chung Van Hoang’s ‘Evangelizing Post-Đổi Mới Vietnam: The Rise of Protestantism and the State’s Response’, ISEAS Perspective 2017/34; https://www.iseas.edu.sg/articles-commentaries/iseas-perspective