The Newsletter 95 Summer 2023

Being Religious and Nationalist in Contemporary Indonesia: Soegijapranata’s Ethos

Justin Wejak

In 1940, Albertus Soegijapranata (1896-1963) was the first Indigenous Indonesian clergyman appointed by the Vatican to be a bishop in the East Indies. His episcopal position ended in 1963, the year of his passing. No one in his extended family ever imagined then that the Muslim converted-Catholic Soegija would one day become a priest, then a bishop, and ultimately an archbishop. Educated in a Dutch system first in the East Indies, then in the Netherlands, and with strong Indigenous roots in Java, Soegija became an uncompromised advocate for universal humanity and nationalism. His deep sense of humanity and his religiously diverse background enabled him to interact with people beyond his Catholic circle.

As Indonesia is preparing for the 2024 general elections, renewed concerns about the intersections between religious identity and nationalism are widely under discussion. With this in mind, Soegija’s motto – “100  percent Catholic, 100 percent Indonesian” 1 Subanar, G. Budi. 2005. Menuju Gereja Mandiri: Sejarah Keuskupan Agung Semarang di Bawah Dua Uskup (1940–1981) (Towards an Independent Church: History of the Archdiocese of Semarang under Two Archbishops (1940–1981)). Yogyakarta: Sanata Dharma University Press.   – can be a source of inspiration for reflection on the theme of nationalism. The motto demonstrates his strong nationalist feeling centred on the message that to be Catholic is to be fully Indonesian. Such a maxim suggests that, even though Christianity was still closely associated with Western colonialism in the mid-twentieth century, the two identities – being Catholic and being Indonesian – are complementary, not contradictory. Christianity was then perceived as a colonial product and, therefore, suspected simplistically as an agent of colonialism.

To deconstruct this perception, Soegija, as reflected in his motto, tried to appeal to all Indigenous Catholics in the archipelago to show love of, and commitment to the country. The same motivation saw him actively involved in the national aspirations to bring about prosperity and social justice to the Muslim-majority nation. This partly explains why the Church has enhanced its ministry in education and healthcare post-independence. Education, in particular, is widely recognised as the key to Indonesia’s future, as it equips the people of Indonesia with the necessary knowledge, skills, and confidence. Soegija had an important role to play in this trajectory. Nationalism is a project; it is a project of the present for the future, as so well explained for Indonesia by Benedict Anderson, whose account remains formative for studies of contemporary Indonesia. 2 Anderson, Benedict. 1983 (1st edition). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.

A glimpse of Soegija’s life and feeling of nationalism can be seen through the feature film – titled Soegija – produced in 2012 by Garin Nugroho. 3 Nugroho, Garin. 2012. Film Soegija.  This historical drama showcases Soegija’s reflections on universal humanity that inspired his pursuit of nationalism. 4 https://travel.kompas.com/read/2012/05/26/21323439/ Soegija.Sebuah.Film.untuk.Perenungan.  It tells stories about the struggle for humanity during Indonesia’s independence war (1940-1949), through the main figure of Soegija himself. In the film, Soegija is portrayed as a simple man, down-to-earth, and very close to the people. Even though he did not go to war to defend his newly independent nation, he was very involved in organising food for the needy during war time, and he opened the church doors to refugees for their safety. The film also portrays Soegija as a person able to conduct silent diplomacy, including quietly sending a letter to the Vatican demanding recognition for Indonesian sovereignity and independence declared in 1945. 5 Wijayanto, F.X. Murti Hadi. 2012. Soegija in frames. Jakarta: Gramedia.  For him, as depicted in the film, war dehumanises individuals and destroys civilisation. Soegija is a film about humanity, rather than about religion or Catholicism. Soegija is shown noting in his diary that humanity is the basis for nationalism and religion. Nationalities, languages, way of life, traditions, and modernity all belong to a common home of humanity.

Fig. 1: Photograph of Albertus Soegijapranata (1946)  (source: Wikimedia Commons)

 

 

According to the film director Nugroho, without the film, Soegija’s reflective notes about humanity could have been lost, and his contribution to ongoing reflections on universal humanity and Indonesian nationalism could have been dismissed. After all, unlike Indonesia’s first president, Soekarno (1945-1967) and Lieutenant General Soedirman (1944-1950), for example, Soegija was not a politically popular figure, given that he was merely a bishop of a numerically small religious minority in Semarang. Even though the film is fictional in style, it has a strong emphasis on the unity of Indonesia as a matter of importance above personal interests. The film conveys the idea of self-sacrifice for the sake of that unity and humanity. Like Soegija’s motto, the film can be seen as a way to deconstruct the persistent view that Christians in Indonesia are less nationalist than their Muslim counterparts.

In fact, this majority-minority dichotomy was politically exploited during the gubernatorial election in Jakarta in 2017, where Ahok, now called BTP (Basuki Tjahaja Purnama), lost the election mainly because of his double-minority identity – as a Christian, and an ethnic-Chinese. 6 https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2017/10/17/aniess-pribumi-speech-sparks-debate-racist-comments-on-social-media.html  Ahok’s political competitor, Anies Rasyid Basweden, was able to successfully play the ‘identity politics’ card. He was associated with a massive fear campaign exploiting religious symbols, such as heaven and hell, to convince Muslim voters to vote for him. 7 Triantoro, Doni Arung. 2019. ‘Praktik Politik Identitas dalam Akun Media Sosial Anies-Sandi’ [The Practice of Identity Politics in Anies-Sandi’s Social Media Account . Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi (Yogyakarta: Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Sunan Kalijaga), 16 (1) (June): 19-40.]

In October 2022, Anies, who completed his term in office as the governor of Jakarta, was declared a potential candidate for presidency in the next general elections scheduled for February 2024. The declaration seemed to create a deep sense of angst among nationalists. There is fear that Indonesia’s current secular nationalism may become more religious (Islamic) under Anies. While there was no sign of discrimination against the minority religions in Jakarta during Anies’ time in office, people unfortunately remain worried that the religious nationalism movement will gain momentum if he becomes Indonesia’s next president. 8 Z, Rijal Mumazziq and Rohmand, Ahmad Khubby Ali. 2021. ‘Becoming an Indonesian Muslim’: The Idea of Religious Nationalism by KH. A. Wahid Hasyim 1945-1953. Academic Journal of Islamic Studies. Volume 6, Number 1 (January – June 2021), 309-334.  He may pave the way for religious radicalism to gain more influence and popularity.

The country’s ideology of Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia may be put under threat. Specifically, as articulated in the Jakarta Charter, the first principle of Pancasila is “Belief in God with obligation to carry out Islamic Law for its adherents.” 9 Elson, R.E. 2009. ‘Another Look at the Jakarta Charter Controversy of 1945’. Indonesia. Cornell University Press, No. 88 (Oct., 2009), 105-130.  This may be revisited, potentially even accepted, to replace the current, more inclusive version of the first principle as given in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution:“Belief in the one and only God.” Such a prescriptive change to the first principle would conceivably trigger more separatist movements in places of non-Muslim majority, such as Papua. Moreover, the introduction of Islamic Law in Aceh in 1999 could be seen as a manifestation of the full implications of the Jakarta Charter. 10 Afrianti, Dina. 2015. Women and Sharia Law in Northern Indonesia: Local Women’s NGOs and the Reform of Islamic Law in Aceh. London: Routledge.  This has provided a still-extant window of opportunity for potential implementation of Sharia Law elsewhere in Indonesia associated with a vast Muslim majority. Clearly, then, the rights of religious minorities and those with more secular adherences and lifestyles could be severely limitted, as already evidenced in Aceh. 11 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/6/28/shame-and-humiliation-acehs-islamic-law-violates-human-rights

Indeed, Soegija’s motto – “100 percent Catholic, 100 percent Indonesian” – remains an important reminder of the potential pitfalls of the politicisation of religion and ethnicity. The politicisation of identity can dehumanise individuals, and weaken the principle of common sense and rationality in democracy. Soegija’s ethos is worth revisiting for its renewed relevance in the lead-up to the 2024 general elections.

 

Justin Wejak is a lecturer in Indonesian Studies at the Asia Institute, and a research associate at the Indigenous Knowledge Institute, the University of Melbourne, Australia. He studied philosophy in Indonesia, and theology and anthropology in Australia. For his PhD at the University of Melbourne he undertook an analysis of cultures of fear concerning the political events of 1965-66 amongst Eastern Indonesian Catholics. Currently he is researching on Indigenous knowledge of traditional food and medicinal plants in Lembata, Eastern Indonesia. Email: justinw@unimelb.edu.au